HANDBOOK OF INTERNATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY
As American psychology faces the challenges of the twenty-first century,
it is determined to become more inclusive by internationalizing its base
of scientific knowledge and applied skills. This commitment reflects
the cultural and ethnic diversity of populations worldwide, global economic
and political interdependence, and sophisticated telecommunications (Mays,
Rubin, Sabourin, & Walker, 1996). The internationalizing of psychology
also rests on the premise that the science and practice of American psychology
must become less parochial and more responsive if it is to help solve problems
of living that have no borders, such as overpopulation, pollution, poverty,
and violence (Mays et al., 1996).
However, American "psychologists have been notorious for their absence
from the major debates of the past 20 years" (Gergen, 2001, p. 811).
Much of this neglect is because American psychology's traditional focus on
individual behavior and small-group process is ill-suited for addressing
societal, national, and global phenomena that have, in part, a psychological
basis. Moreover, the fact that American psychology has isolated itself
from other social sciences accounts for its limited capacity to understand
phenomena that are highly contextual in nature. For example, intergroup
conflict is rooted in a complex matrix of economics, history, politics, and
religion, as well as psychology (Stevens, 2002).
The primary reason for American psychology's limited applicability internationally
is its reductionistic orientation. The reductionistic basis for most
psychological theory, research, and practice fails to identify mechanisms
by which cultural, economic, political, and religious variables mediate or
moderate the complexities of human functioning and experience (Stevens, 2002).
The psychological vision of the modern, industrial world called for the separation
of individuals from those communities that had shaped and defined them.
Psychology sought to understand this isolated individual whose actions and
interactions were hypothesized to fashion the structure and dynamics of
larger social formations, including community, society, and nation (Sampson,
1989).
Reductionistic psychology also makes claim to an objectivity that supersedes
cultural boundaries and to a universally applicable investigative methodology
(Gergen, 2001; Gergen, Gulerce, Lock, & Misra, 1996). However,
empirical tests of hypotheses about a rational, self-contained individual
often fail to capture the "local truth" about people who are born and reared
in non-western cultures (Gergen et al., 1996). It is bad science and
practice, and ethnocentric as well, to assume automatically that paradigms
conceived by American psychologists can be applied successfully to different
cultures.
Growing awareness that the world is becoming an interdependent network
of individuals, communities, and nations, coupled with recognition of the
culture-bound nature of the discipline and profession, are prompting the
transformation of American psychology. Theories of the person and psychological
explanations of unusual events (e.g., terrorism) are becoming more sensitive
to the sociocultural world in which people live and events take place (Gergen,
1996, 2001; Sampson, 1989). Likewise, the modernist tradition of individualism
is giving way to a postmodern framework. Within this postmodern paradigm,
the conception of the individual has been reconstructed as relational and
as constituted by his or her sociocultural milieu (Gergen, 1996, 2001; Gergen
et al., 1996). Consequently, the study of the individual adopts nonreductionistic
approaches that preserve the unity of the person and the context in which
he or she is embedded.
Our rationale for the Handbook of International Psychology is simple.
We seek to inform American readers about the discipline and profession of
psychology as constituted and evolving in distinct regions of the world.
We believe that an authoritative understanding of human functioning and experience,
particularly its considerable variability, must rest on an appreciation of
the contextual, as well as individual and universal, variables that directly
or indirectly, separately or interactively, determine what we do and who
we are. To this end, the Handbook serves to reduce the isolation
and parochialism of American psychology by exposing the reader to international
perspectives on psychology of which he or she would otherwise be ignorant.
We hope that the Handbook will contribute to international awareness
and understanding and facilitate international dialogue and collaboration.
Draguns (2001) reminds us that American psychology continues to disregard
the conceptual, empirical, and practical contributions to psychology of other
countries, especially non-English speaking countries. There is virtually
no English-language market for foreign scholarship that does not conform
to the American taste for the abstract and reductionistic, yet such scholarship
has a profound influence on theory building, investigative methodologies,
and applied practice worldwide. Few American university libraries
subscribe to foreign journals and, where they do, they are typically not
widely read by American psychologists and psychology students. Likewise,
translations of publications of potential interest are virtually nonexistent.
Compounding matters is the fact that the literature on international psychology
is highly scattered. Thus, for American psychologists regardless of
specialty, psychology students at all levels, and the interested public,
there are few opportunities to study developments in psychology in other
countries or to become acquainted with the cultural, economic, historical,
political, and religious forces that shape psychology in those countries.
The Handbook of International Psychology represents a special
opportunity to inform American readers about the foci and contributions of
psychology in different regions of the world in order to expand their conceptual,
methodological, and practical perspectives.
Many foreign students have earned graduate degrees in psychology from
American universities and have returned to their native countries as psychologists.
Little is known about their accomplishments as scholars and practitioners.
What have these psychologists found useful in terms of their American training?
How have they blended their preparation with the psychology of their homelands?
What do they have to say about psychology in their countries that can inform
American psychologists and psychology students? Specifically, how can
their perspectives promote further growth in the theory, research, and practice
of American psychology? Answers to these questions might yield valuable
insights for our readers. In addition, for many, attendance at international
conferences, where the exchange of ideas and fruitful interaction often occur,
is prohibitively expensive and time consuming. Relatively few American
psychologists and fewer psychology students are able to participate in such
meetings. The Handbook of International Psychology is a vehicle
to promote communication across borders and to provide a global view of psychology
for those who have had limited access to it.
The Handbook of International Psychology builds on a proud tradition:
specifically, the International Handbook of Psychology (Gilgen &
Gilgen, 1987) and International Psychology: Views from Around the World
(Sexton & Hogan, 1992). These books are now over a decade old, and
we believed it was time for another comprehensive review of international
psychology.
The 1990s witnessed an explosion of interest in international psychology.
Two illustrations are the appearance in 1996 in the American Psychologist
of a special section devoted to developments and issues in international psychology
and the establishment in 1997 of the Division of International Psychology
by the American Psychological Association. Of course, the terrorist
attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon on September 11, 2001 fueled
interest in international psychology, as evidenced by the official statements
of prominent leaders of the American Psychological Association (e.g., former
CEO Raymond Fowler, Past-President Philip Zimbardo). Beyond its timeliness,
we were encouraged to edit the Handbook because the Sexton and Hogan
volume, its predecessor (Sexton & Misiak, 1976), and the Gilgen and Gilgen
book received so many favorable reviews as the major source of information
in English on international psychology and the internationalizing of psychology.
We believe that the Handbook will follow in the tradition of its predecessors
by becoming the definitive publication in the field.
To achieve a panoramic vista of international psychology, we developed
a fine-grained chapter outline with a detailed list of topics that we hoped
would yield a balanced, yet comprehensive description of psychology as a
discipline and profession within each of the countries we included.
We invited our authors to prepare a chapter, approximately 20 pages in length
and organized in four parts: an overview of psychology, the education and
training of psychologists, the scope of psychological practice, and future
challenges and prospects. Within each section, we asked authors to respond
to at least ten highly focused questions covering a wide range of topics.
For example, in the overview, we requested descriptions of the history of
psychology, formal organizations that represent psychologists, and the status
of psychologists relative to allied professionals. In the section on
education and training, we requested descriptions of undergraduate and graduate
curricula, pedagogical methods and tools, and requirements for practice.
In the section on practice, we inquired about the work of psychologists in
various settings, prominent conceptual, methodological, and technical approaches,
and legal and ethical guidelines and regulations. In the final section
on the future of psychology, we solicited information on opportunities and
obstacles facing psychology, controversial issues being debated (e.g., psychologists'
political and social activism), the public's view of psychology, and what
American psychologists can learn from the discipline and profession of psychology
in the authors’ countries. Each chapter also contains a biographical
sketch of the author(s) and a list of the most influential literature on
psychology that had been published in the country being discussed.
These lists were necessarily subjective, and many authors found it difficult
to choose the “top ten” or so publications in psychology that originated
in their country. However, when pressed, almost all authors acknowledged
that making these selections was a useful heuristic exercise.
We did not permit significant variation in the content and organization
of each chapter because of the importance of maintaining consistency and
coherence throughout the book. Consequently, we worked closely with
authors to ensure adherence to the basic chapter outline. However,
we recognized that, owing to the peculiarities of psychology in other countries,
it would not be possible for authors to respond meaningfully to every question
contained within each section of the chapter outline, or give equal weight
to such distinct aspects of psychology as academia, professional practice,
and governance. Because cultural, economic, political, religious, and
social differences among countries contribute to the diversity of their national
psychologies, we allowed for a degree of flexibility within the standard
chapter format. We also believed that some limited variability in structure
would be less off-putting to the reader attempting to digest several chapters
in one sitting. However, we insisted that substantial departures from
the chapter outline be justified. As will become evident, each chapter
conforms to a relatively uniform schema, yet each is stamped by the cultural
context and status of psychology in the authors’ countries as well as authors’
unique presentational style.
In selecting countries for inclusion in the Handbook of International
Psychology, we identified three countries in nine distinct regions of
the world whose national psychologies are well-established scientifically
and professionally, are re-appearing after a period of political oppression,
or are emerging forces. We were also guided in our selection of representative
countries by the goals of minimizing redundancy and presenting less well-known
psychologies. After dozens of discussions, hundreds of e-mail messages,
and more than a few false starts, we selected 27 countries from nine regions
across six continents:
AFRICA: Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa
NORTH AMERICA: Canada, Mexico, United States
SOUTH AMERICA: Argentina, Brazil, Colombia
EAST ASIA: People's Republic of China, Japan, Singapore
SOUTH ASIA: India, Pakistan, Thailand
EAST EUROPE: Poland, Russia, Turkey
WEST EUROPE: Germany, Spain, United Kingdom
MIDDLE EAST: Egypt, Iran, Israel
PACIFIC RIM: Australia, Indonesia, Philippines
The selection of countries is representative of distinct regions of the
world, and the list incorporates considerable diversity in terms of the
developmental maturity of national psychologies. For example, psychology
in the U.K. has a seasoned scientific tradition whereas psychology in Thailand
has a nascent practical orientation. Similarly, much is known about
psychology in the U.S. and West Europe, whereas much less is known about psychology
elsewhere, such as the People’s Republic of China where psychology reflects
a synthesis of Confucian, Marxist, and Western philosophies, or India, a
country whose psychology is increasingly blending Hindu with Western paradigms.
Some countries have a long history of academic and professional psychology,
such as Germany, whereas others are relative newcomers, such as Singapore.
Finally, psychology in some countries is marked by uninterrupted evolution
whereas the discipline and profession in other nations have been dislocated
by massive and unprecedented macro-social change, such as the Islamic revolution
in Iran, the fall of communism in Poland, and the transition from a dictatorship
in Spain.
After the final list of countries was selected, we invited a group of
prominent psychologists who resided in their homelands to contribute chapters
on the psychology of their respective countries. We were guided in
making these invitations by the recommendations of our advisory board. We
asked those unable to undertake the project to recommend esteemed colleagues.
When it was not possible to recruit a resident psychologist to prepare a chapter,
we sought the most knowledgeable author(s), reared and educated in his or
her native land, but residing elsewhere. The final set of authors includes
dozens of distinguished psychologists, many of whom are internationally recognized.
Another restriction on the selection of authors was the requirement that
chapters had to be written in English. We did this to avoid errors
in translation and defray the expense of translating manuscripts. We
asked authors to review the standard chapter outline and justify any substantial
modifications to the format based on the nature and cultural context of psychology
in their country. In only one or two instances were any changes negotiated
with respect to the chapter content and organization. We then asked
authors to submit an initial draft, which we and our editorial assistants
reviewed. Our feedback to authors consisted of comments and suggestions
aimed at making manuscripts more readable, eliminating potential sources
of misinterpretation, and including overlooked or underemphasized material.
We re-examined the revisions our authors made were before approving their
chapters for publication; multiple revisions were often necessary before
we gave final approval to a manuscript.
The Handbook of International Psychology could not have succeeded
without the untiring efforts of many to whom we owe a debt of gratitude.
We thank the Board of the Division of International Psychology of the American
Psychological Association, which initially inspired and encouraged our work
on the Handbook. We were most gratified to recruit a distinguished
editorial advisory board, led by Dr. Florence Denmark, past-president of
both the Division of International Psychology and the American Psychological
Association. We also wish to thank Dr. Rubén Ardila, Dr. John
Hogan, Dr. Brigitte Khoury, Dr. Anthony Marsella, Dr. Elizabeth Nair, Dr.
Charles Spielberger, and Dr. Harold Takooshian, all of whom served skillfully
as members of the advisory board. We also owe a debt of thanks to our
editorial assistants, Vicki Eichhorn and Stephanie Steinman, who provided
thoughtful critiques of chapter drafts and invaluable clerical assistance.
Of course, we deeply appreciate the authors for their expertise and devotion
in preparing chapters. We also thank our editors at Brunner-Routledge,
especially Dr. George Zimmar and Shannon Vargo, for their guidance and support
in preparing this volume, particularly in making the many details related
to publication so manageable. Finally, we appreciate the long-suffering
patience of our respective spouses, who tolerated the many weekends and evenings
we gave up to edit the Handbook of International Psychology.
References
Draguns, J. G. (2001). Toward a truly international psychology:
Beyond English only. American
Psychologist, 56, 1019-1030.
Gergen, K. J. (1996). Theory under threat: Social construction and identity
politics. In C. Tolman, F.
Cherry, R. Van Hezewijk, & I. Lubeck (Eds.), Problems
of theoretical psychology (pp. 13-23).
North York, ON, Canada: Captus Press.
Gergen, K. J. (2001). Psychological science in a postmodern context. American
Psychologist, 56,
803-813.
Gergen, K. J., Gulerce, A., Lock, A., & Misra, G. (1996). Psychological
science in cultural context.
American Psychologist, 51, 496-503.
Gilgen, A. R., & Gilgen, C. K. (Eds.). (1987). International handbook
of psychology. New York:
Greenwood.
Mays, V. M., Rubin, J., Sabourin, M., & Walker, L. (1996). Moving
toward a global psychology:
Changing theories and practice to meet the needs of
a changing world. American Psychologist, 51,
485-487.
Sampson, E. E. (1989). The challenge of social change for psychology:
Globalization and psychology's
theory of the person. American Psychologist, 44,
914-921.
Sexton, V. S., & Hogan, J. D. (Eds.). (1992). International psychology:
Views from around the world.
Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press.
Sexton, V. S., & Misiak, H. (Eds.). (1976). Psychology around
the world. Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole.
Stevens, M. J. (2002). The interplay of psychology and societal transformation.
International Journal of
Group Tensions, 31, 5-30.